Hungary’s newly appointed Prime Minister, Péter Magyar, arrived in Poland on Tuesday. This visit to a longstanding ally comes at a significant moment, as Poland’s recent political transformation provides important insights for Magyar’s government in its efforts to reverse Hungary’s authoritarian trajectory.
Magyar, whose centre-right Tisza Party achieved a remarkable victory over the far-right Prime Minister Viktor Orbán in last month’s elections, began his trip in the southern city of Kraków. He is expected to continue to the capital, Warsaw, where he will meet with Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk and President Karol Nawrocki on Wednesday.
This trip marks Magyar’s first official foreign engagement since assuming office on 9 May. It serves as a symbolic reaffirmation of the historical connection between their countries and Magyar’s commitment to redirecting Hungary towards a democratic, European-oriented path. His electoral success has drawn comparisons to Poland’s political landscape, particularly the 2023 election, in which Tusk’s centre-right coalition defeated the national-conservative Law and Justice Party (PiS) after eight years of governance.
Magyar’s administration aims to access billions in European Union funds that were previously frozen under Orbán due to rule-of-law and corruption concerns. Additionally, he has swiftly acted to restore democratic institutions compromised by the preceding autocratic regime, particularly the judiciary and public media, while advocating accountability for officials accused of misconduct.
During the forthcoming meeting, the two leaders are expected to discuss the restoration of bilateral relations, which have been strained by Orbán’s adversarial stance toward Ukraine and his close ties to the Kremlin.
Magyar targets key figures of Orbán’s regime
After taking office, Magyar publicly called for many of Orbán’s appointees to resign or be removed through constitutional amendments, thanks to Tisza’s two-thirds majority in Parliament. He has targeted key figures, including Hungary’s President Tamás Sulyok, the attorney general, and the heads of the constitutional and supreme courts, deeming them “Orbán’s puppets.”
Analyst Andrzej Sadecki noted that while some key state institutions remain under Fidesz control, Magyar’s constitutional majority makes it easier for him to implement significant changes. In contrast to Tusk’s coalition government in Poland, Magyar’s Tisza won 53% of the vote, achieving more support in Parliament than any party in Hungary’s post-Communist history. Sadecki described it as a “watershed moment.”
Dismantling Orbán’s control over the media
Orbán’s rule created a media landscape that acted as a mouthpiece for his Fidesz party, discrediting and intimidating opponents. After winning the election, Magyar criticised Orbán’s public broadcasters as “a factory of lies” and announced his government’s intention to suspend their news services until “conditions for objectivity are restored.”
This mirrors actions taken by Tusk’s government in Poland, which revamped state television newscasts shortly after taking power. The Polish government asserted its right to replace executives at state-owned outlets, drawing some criticism, even from liberal groups.
József Péter Martin of Transparency International Hungary stated that Hungary’s public media has failed in its role and should be rebuilt within the rule of law.
Magyar’s goal to establish judicial independence
During its time in power, Poland’s PiS tightened control over the judiciary by appointing loyal judges and disciplining critics. They ensured that enough sympathetic judges were in the Constitutional Tribunal to delay unfavourable legislation through constitutional review. Subsequent PiS-aligned presidents have blocked efforts by the Tusk government to reverse these changes.
In Hungary, Sulyok, an Orbán ally whose term lasts until 2029, has dismissed calls for his resignation. Péter Polt, the head of Hungary’s Constitutional Court and a known Fidesz loyalist, will remain in position until 2037. While many judges and prosecutors perform their duties well, new leadership is necessary to restore trust and impartiality in the judiciary. Martin from Transparency International Hungary stressed the need for leaders committed to the Constitution and the public interest, rather than those loyal to the former authoritarian regime.
Holding former officials accountable may be difficult
Polish prosecutors have initiated investigations into former PiS officials accused of abusing their positions for political gain, despite ongoing concerns about judicial independence. They plan to charge former Justice Minister Zbigniew Ziobro with misusing state funds. Still, this effort has stalled since he claimed asylum in Hungary and later said he was in the United States, evading Polish authorities.
Following Magyar’s election victory, many of the 3.4 million Hungarians who voted for Tisza expect accountability from Orbán and his allies. Magyar has promised to create the National Asset Recovery and Protection Office to investigate the alleged misuse of public funds during Orbán’s rule.
Martin emphasised that restoring judicial independence is crucial for prosecuting past abuses and noted that joining the European Public Prosecutor’s Office would be a positive step towards holding corrupt officials accountable.
This article used information from The Associated Press.
