The European Union’s aspirations to enhance its defence capabilities and secure its future autonomy are facing a serious challenge. The ambitious plans for rearmament, which aim to position the EU as a more self-reliant military power, have been hindered by a critical obstacle—the reluctance of key member states, particularly Spain and Italy, to fully commit to these efforts. This delay is detrimental to the EU’s military ambitions and risks potential allies, notably the United Kingdom.
Since President Donald Trump‘s confrontation with the Ukrainian prime minister, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the sense of insecurity among countries around Europe has increased. The Russian threat has never felt so real. In response, Ursula von der Leyen declared, “If Europe wants to avoid war, Europe must get ready for war.”
The project, Rearm Europe, aims to provide the EU with deterrent power and assist Ukrainians by supplying them with weapons to mitigate against a possible withdrawal of support from the US. The crux of this plan is to spend more money on defence. Each of the 27 member states must raise their military budget to 3% of their GDP.
The plan seems strong and appealing. Countries like the UK have recently shown interest in uniting their forces through a supranational bank that would sidestep the European Commission and allow defence spending off the balance sheet.
Nevertheless, this plan is not eliciting much support in southern European countries. A large protest against it had been ongoing for days in Rome. The protesters, from across the political spectrum, believe spending $800 billion on this plan is “squandering” money. Some also claim that Giorgia Meloni, Italy’s prime minister, is selling their country out to Germany.
In Spain, this issue is confronting the two main forces in the government. As a country with a military dictatorship in its recent history, rearming is highly unattractive to Spanish citizens. Unidas Podemos, the far-left party that joined the PSOE in the government, has declared itself completely opposed. The prime minister, Pedro Sánchez, is seeking a good communication strategy to convince them in order to implement the plan. Avoiding the use of the word ‘rearm’ and emphasising that money is going to be used on “technological advances,” he is aiming for wider popular support. His plan has not succeeded yet.
The EU’s military strategy hinges on the collaboration of its member states, with Spain and Italy playing significant roles in shaping the bloc’s security architecture. Both countries are strategically important due to their geographical positions, political influence, and military capacities.
The EU’s rearmament plans involve modernising and enhancing the capabilities of its military forces, increasing defence budgets, and developing new technologies. However, this requires a strong and unified effort from all members. Spain and Italy’s delays in committing to these objectives undermine the EU’s collective will and reduce its capacity to act swiftly and decisively in the face of external threats.
While the vision of a united European military force is compelling, the reality is that many EU member states, including Spain and Italy, have distinct military traditions, priorities, and geopolitical considerations. Spain’s defence strategy, for example, is heavily influenced by its proximity to North Africa and the Middle East, while Italy focuses on Mediterranean security and the challenges posed by migration. These differences in focus are difficult to reconcile under a single EU military framework.
Furthermore, it is difficult to overlook the European Union’s failure to address growing insecurity in the Mediterranean in recent years, only to now demand a unified response to Russia, neglecting the urgent issues that have long plagued southern Europe. This selective approach undermines the EU’s credibility and highlights a lack of strategic foresight in dealing with regional instability.
Allowing each nation to control its own armed forces would respect national sovereignty and the unique security needs of each member state. It would also prevent the fragmentation of the EU as countries like Spain and Italy increasingly resist a defence policy they feel does not serve their specific interests. This decentralised approach would prevent countries from feeling sidelined or forced into commitments that don’t align with their national priorities. The EU can avoid unnecessary delays in negotiations and agreements, particularly with the United Kingdom, if it relinquishes some centralised control.
Victoria Pazos
Victoria Esperanza Pazos Álvarez is a policy fellow with Young Voices Europe. She previously studied international relations in Spain and specialised in disaster risk reduction in the Netherlands. Victoria formerly worked at the Spanish embassy in Buenos Aires, where she worked on trade negotiations.
